0 comments

Life inside EVIN


oudabeh Ardavan's prison drawings

Interview by Fariba Amini
September 26, 2002
The Iranian

Soudabeh Ardavan is from Tabriz, a former political prisoner now living in Sweden. She is in her early 40's. She spent eight years of her precious life in the Islamic regime's jail. She is also an artist who drew prison life while she was confined in a cell with other women.

Through these images, drawn from the time she became a prisoner in 1981 until she was released in 1989, Soudabeh tells a story of those horrible days. While in prison, her mother had a stroke because she had thought Soudabeh was among the many executed prisoners; she could not bear the thought of it. She died at age 57, a year after Soudabeh was released.

Soudabeh Ardavan speaks of those days. She and fellow inmates were kept in a small cell made for three people, but at times, the cell was shared with as many as 40 prisoners. Sanitary conditions were very poor. There was no proper clothing, and prisoners were given little food and minimum access to the shower. As punishment, prisoners were denied the use of toilets.

Prisoners would sleep on the floor, leaving enough space for the injured who had been severely tortured by guards to get confessions. Soudabeh had not confessed. She was considered a "sar mozei" -- a term used for those who had resisted torture. Those who had repented were called "tavaabin".

She tells her tale, enough to make you shiver. It makes you wonder if it is possible in this day and age, for a human being to be treated with such cruelty only because they were young and outspoken.

She was a university student interested in politics, books and publishing. She was studying architecture and interior design at Tehran's Polytechnic Institute. It was during the Cultural Revolution when the wide-scale crackdown began. The ruling revolutionaries wanted to get rid of "corrupt elements".

She was charged with participating in demonstrations against the Islamic Republic. At first, she was detained, interrogated, and finally, blindfolded on the floor, and sentenced to two years in jail. There was no judge nor a jury or a lawyer. "Islamic justice" did not take more than a few minutes.

It was the most despicable time in the history of the Islamic regime. Interrogation, torture, execution were the order of the day. For the next 8 years, she would be transferred, from Evin to Ghessel Hessar prison, back and forth, from one unit to another, spending time in between in solitary.

She remembers the first time she entered a cell. She thought she had entered a girls school. The prisoners were all young girls, in their teens. Sometimes, there were older women, as old as one's grandmother. They had apparently aided the prisoners or were family members.

Her three famous prison mates were Bijan Jazani's mother; Maryam Taleghani, the daughter of Ayatollah Taleghani, and writer Sharnoush Parsipour.

She tried to write her story through the many pictures she drew. First she hid them for fear of punishment. Then she would get rid of them. Later, she would keep her artwork and somehow smuggle them out. Other prisoners would help her find paper and pencils. She drew her cell mates, guards, life in prison, and cell conditions.

Excepts from my interview with Soudabeh:

I tried very hard, under excruciating conditions and fearing for my life as well as others in my cellblock, to capture moments, horrifying moments and sometimes beautiful ones. I drew pictures of the guards, their faces so cruel, without humanity. I drew pictures of cell mates who had become like sisters to me; their innocence, their youth, their fears.

I drew pictures of all of us cleaning the small area we lived in. Or the outside courtyard where we would exercise, when allowed. I drew pictures of the ugly, the unclean, the pure and the blue sky with white birds, hopinng to see freedom one day. I drew everything and anything.

First it was all black and white. I had no colors. Sometimes I would use the petal of a flower or tea to create color. Then someone threw a box of color magic markers through the cell. So I drew color pictures.

I tried to capture a time when evil had taken over all our lives. When the outside world was unaware of the crimes taking place in the jails of the Islamic regime. When revolutionary guards would come to our cells, beat us, flog us, torture us and then leave. And we would ask ourselves why? Why so much inhumanity? Are these people from the same land we have come from?

Most of the guards were extremely vicious and used foul language to humiliated us, and destroy us psychologically -- as they had attempted with physical torture. Most of us did not confess and kept our mouth shut. That would make them more furious. Then more floggings and beatings would begin.

From time to time, the head guard would come in. They were two women. They looked ugly and big and extremely rude. They were pros. I was told they were there from the Shah's era. Their names were Bakhtiari and Alizadeh. They would kick us real hard. The Bakhtiari woman wore a soldier's outfit and she would constantly curse us and beat us. She barked like a dog!

Most of the time, in our cell, we did not have to wear our scarves or the chador, only when the male guards would come in. There was the head of the prison, a man called Haji Rahmani. He was huge, quite a character, very vicious. We would be ordered to put our hejab and then he would come in and beat us. I believe he now holds a post in the Ministry of Intelligence.

Sometimes those who had repented -- tavaabin -- would spy on us and at other times they too would beat us. They were the ones who had asked for forgiveness and as a result of their "good behavior" they would be given a special task of making life even more miserable for other prisoners. Sometimes, they would even hold a gun in front of us to frighten us. We were very careful when they were around. We would not talk or say anything in front of them.

Out of the 8 years I was imprisoned, I remember only three months when I felt good. That's when we were taken to a prison block, which had a nice courtyard. There were flowers and trees. And no sign of tavaabin! We felt free, sort of speak. We could talk and walk and socialize without their presence. To some degree, we were not watched and I could breathe a little.

A few months later, when we were once again moved, we heard of the horror stories about the mass executions in prison. In the summer of 1988, right after the ceasefire between Iran and Iraq, there were many prisoners whose terms had ended but werenn't released.

Khomeini had personanlly ordered the male "infidel" prisoners be executed and the women lashed five times a day according to Islamic law. [Amnesty has reported close to 5000 prisoners were murdered in the prisons of the Islamic regime in 1988].

Death sentences were carried out against those who did not repent and beg for mercy. Twenty-five were taken from our cell alone. So many young men and women were amongst them. They were followers of the Mojahedin Khalgh or Fadaian, and many others. I was one of the lucky ones. I was released.

What can I say? The time I spent in prison will never be erased from my memory. So many lives were shattered. So many families lost loved ones. Many parents, facing the loss of their sons or daughters would eventually die from grief. Now, I am trying slowly to build a normal life.

I am studying Swedish and attend art school. I am also working on a book with two other former political prisoners. It is the first time we are telling our stories. A Swedish psychologist and a journalist have also collaborated on this book. My book containing more than 100 prison drawings, will be published by winter 2002.

I am hoping people will see these paintings and never forget the many innocent lives lost in those years, the many of us whose lives changed forever. The drawings tell a tale of the darkest history in our country.

As for the future, I hope to continue my life without feeling remorse. I am not vengeful. I do not want revenge from my captors. I only hope that one day, those who were directly involved in these crimes will be tried in a court of law and none would ever be able to hold political or governmental office. I do not believe in the death penalty. I want justice to be served but only under international law. And I truly believe that one-day; soon, justice will be served.

read more
0 comments

Parvin Ardalan; Iranian women's Fight for Equality



Parvin Ardalan is a leading woman’s rights activist, writer and journalist from Iran. She was awarded the Olof Palme Prize in 2007 for her struggle for equal rights for men and women, but was denied to leave the country. One and a half year later she was finally able to go to Sweden to receive the prize. On the 6th of October she attended a conference about international solidarity within the feminist movement in Stockholm.


This is the speech she held:




It’s my pleasure to be here to explain about what women activists in Iran are
doing and to share our experiences in this way. Of course we learn from each
other, for instances in the One million Signatures Campaign we learned from our
sisters in Morocco. And then our siteres in Afghanistan learned from us, and so
this process it continues. I would like to start to talk about some methods used
by women activists in Iran: Horizontal working, decentralization of power, and
consciousness rising.
Horizontal working: In societies like Iran the
hierarchical way of working and dividing responsibilities is not limited to
political and governmental institutions. This character has a fundamental impact
even on personal relationships and sometimes even grassroots organizations that
intend to work differently.
Therefore, we in different women’s groups and organizations should frequently put our behaviors, thinking and practices to the test. For example in our different activities among women activists in Iran we observed how many of us were practicing what we were challenging. We took advantage of the different advantages we had. For instance one used her age and experiences, another used her education level, a third one used her urban and middle class position and so on. That is why we needed to develop workshops and group discussions in order to discuss these issues
constantly.
Decentralisation of power:


By avoiding accumulating (put together) all the information, important connections, experiences to one or few people, we had two intentions: 1.We help each other to grow and gain new skills



2. We will also reduce our weakness, because when everything is dependent on one
or a few people, everything will also disappear suddenly when that person disappear for any reason, especially in our unsecure society.
That is why overlapping of experiences and decentralization of power always come together.
By advocating for shared responsibilities we try to overlap our resources, knowledge and experiences.
Consciousness rising: Face to face meeting with women and men from different groups. A special kind of Street theaters to see how people interact. These methods show how we not only challenge the legal system, but also how we confront people and their cultural patriarchal values on a daily basis.
These three characteristics; challenging the hierarchical way
of working, meeting people face to face, and consciousness raising forced us not
only to demand equal treatment from the law or government, but also the fact
that we had to try to put them in practice ourselves.
And in this case with
documentation/writing/interviewing. In doing so we try to highlight women
activities and not let those experiences and actions get lost and become invisible as they always do.
Law or the legal system: Those were the methods used by women activists…now I would like to talk about one of the issues that
women activists dealt with; the law or the legal system and how we use these
methods.
Some of the injust laws that women rights activist dealt with are:
Family law: like divorce, marriage, inheritance, number of the partners.
Criminal law: like criminal age of criminal responsibility law hejab , Diyeh - Blood Money- Laws that support honor killings
Civil law : Citizenship Marriage - In our country, Iran, according to the existing Law, is to satisfy the "condition of the father’s consent".
Divorce: According to the law, divorce is the exclusive right of a man, and a man can divorce his wife whenever he pleases.
Number of partners: Among other cases of inequality in the present marriage law is the discussion of the number of partners. That is, multiple wives for men; in such a way that a man can have 4 aghdi (permanently married) wives and infinite sighehi (temporarily married) wives.
Age of criminal responsibility: The age of criminal responsibility for girls is 9 lunar
years (8 years and nine months) and for boys is 15 lunar years (14 years and 6
months). Thus if a 9-year-old girl committed a crime, she will be treated just
as an adult would be treated with all the penal laws (even execution) applicable
to her.
Citizenship: Citizenship is an important legal issue. According to the law of Iran, the citizenship of a woman does not transfer to her child.
Diyeh - Blood Money: In Iranian law a woman’s life is considered to be worth half that of a man. For example, if a brother and sister are hit by a car on the street, and both have both legs broken, the compensation that the brother receives, is double that of his sister.
Inheritance: According to civil law, after the death of the father and mother, sons receive 2 times as much in inheritance as daughters.
Laws that support honor killings: Among the discriminatory laws, one can note the law that gives a man permission to kill his wife whenever he sees her in bed with another man and the law will not punish this man. This law has allowed men to kill women.
Bearing Witness:
There are some crimes women can not testify to, these include sodomy,homosexuality, and prostitution.Other Discriminatory Laws: There are many other discriminatory laws in Iran’s legal system. In our constitution a woman is only recognised as a citizen once she is a mother (married), therefore she has no standing as an independent person in any law derived from our constitution.



1. The condition "Rajal-e siyaasi" - which has been interpreted as "man of politics" to date - appears in the conditions for becoming President. This means that a woman cannot become the country’s president.
2. Compulsory prescribed dress for women, regardless of their creed or beliefs. For example, Christian women whose religion does not require them to wear hijab will be
punished for not wearing it. If they choose to dress in a way different to how authorities deem fit, they can be jailed or fined.
3. Social Security laws. Even though women pay the same amount of money for insurance as men do, their children can not benefit from their retirement pension or health insurance. This means that a mother can not provide any sort of comfort for her children after her death.
4. Stoning is the frightening punishment prescribed by our law for people who commit adultery. This punishment is usually only performed on women, because according to the law, a man can have an infinite number of temporary marriages (sigheh) and therefore can claim that the woman who he had a relationship with (provided she was single) was his temporary wife.So what do we do in with these legal system? Different women organisations have dealt with the legal system in different ways during different time periods:
1. One type of the Governmental organisations put their effort only on educating women of the content of the law/ without any intention to criticise or attempt to
change the laws. For instance they never criticise violence against women / or
so called ’domestic violence’ and of course do not care about the extended public violence that women face everyday on the streets. Most of these groups are groups who will follow the law and are governmental organisation rather than being non-governmental. These groups are decreasing.
2.The second strategy that we started to use for almost the 2 end decade after revolution was based on educating and informing women on the content of the law in order to help each and every woman to develop individual backup plans. For instance lawyers like Shirin Ebadi, Mehrang Kar and others wrote many books about these issues. The purpose was for example to tell women "if the marriage is a contract you should enter to this contract with open eyes and be aware of the rights, obligatiosn
and limitations that you will have". We were advised to add some points to the
existing contract in order to disarm them. For example if I wanted to get marry
I add some points in regards to my right to work outside of home, or equal right at the time of divorce or custody of children in the contract.
3.The third strategy that started by one million signature was to ask for the change of the laws…so you see we move from individual tactics to ask for change in the very
legal system to pleural tactics. So to rap up this part and tie it to other
feminist methods around the world our activities contain three components/
characteristics:
A. to aim to prevent or support those who were victims of the law (for instance single poor mothers who didn’t have any financial or social support) support and prevent B. to inform and educate C. To resist and change the dominant structuresNow I want talk about the current movement and its link to women movement - In my point of view, women movement, students’ movement, ethnics and workers movement were those who opened the way for this movement. For people who have not followed what happening in Iran, this movement came from nowhere came or as our autrity but for us this is a result of what we have working on in years. Not that I was not positively surprised but I didn’t see that as a wonder.
The other issue that is raised is the presence or lack of presence of women and women issues in regards to current movement. First of all as many of you havealready seen in many you tube clips women have not only participated widely in the demonstration they also had a leading roles. The mourning mothers, the women who actively try to prevent violence and women who brought new and secular slogans into demonstration are just few examples.
One important issue regarding the physical presence of women in the demonstrations is that even in 1979 revolution women participated actively in the revolution and demonstration. But the big difference here is not only that now we had gender mixed demonstration (in contrast to 1979 that women and men were
separated) but also this time we didn’t only have women’s bodies out there,
women were out there with gender analysis and specific demands.And this once
again is a result of what women have done in the last 30 years. Iranian women
were not only the first victim of the Islamic revolution, they were also the
first struggler.
Aytollah Khomini issued a fatwa for compulsory veil two weeks after he returned to Iran. Women were the one who had the first demonstration against Aytollah Fatwa. That is what I consider women
not only the first victim of the Islamic revolution but also the first one who
resist and struggle.

read more
0 comments

The Islamic Republic`s Fear of Women Activists


Shahrzad News:

The Islamic Republic has arrested a number of women`s rights activists, fearing they will be linked to the People`s Movement.

Despite the fact that these women are suffering from persecution, they are still determined to work toward achieving a civil society. Some of the names of the women who have been recently arrested include: Badralsadat Mofidi (secretary of the Union of Journalists), Bahareh Hedayat (member of the Central Council and Consolidation Unity of Students), Nasrin Vaziri (reporter of ILNA and Khabar Online), Shiva Nazar Ahari (journalist and human rights and women’s activist), Parisa Kakaee (human rights activist, journalist, and member of the One Million Signatures Campaign), Mansoureh Shojaei (researcher, member of the Women’s Cultural Centre and the One Million Signatures Campaign), Negin Derakhshan (member of the editorial team of the newspaper Tehran Today), and Atieh Yousefi (member of the One Million Signatures Campaign. Translators note: Atieh Yousefi was recently released on bail).

Also, among the arrested are women affiliated with Shirin Ebadi. Their names include: Jinoos Sobhani (secretary office of CDHR), Noushin Ebadi (sister of Shirin Ebadi and a dentistry professor), Forough Mirzaei (a colleague of Shirin Ebadi who holds a Masters in human rights), Maryam Zia (Shirin Ebadi’s friend and President of the Struggle for a World Deserving of Children).

Mothers for Peace members, Zohreh Tonekaboni and Mahin Fahimi, were also arested and sent to prison.

The names of the women listed are not the only ones who have been arrested in the social and political civil society arena.

The women detained in Evin prison and other prisons in the Islamic Republic who continue to resist the physical and psychological pressures inflicted on them include: Azar Mansouri (deputy head of Partcipation Front), Mahsa Hekmat (reporter), Somayeh Rashidi (member of the One Million Signatures Campaign), Mehrnoush Etemadi (member of the Online Campaign), Shabnam Madadzadeh (deputy secretary of the office of Strengthening Unity), and Atefeh Nabavi (member of the women’s and student movement).

Many other women in the civil movement who have been arrested and released on bail are waiting for their court hearing. Among the most recognized names include: Jila Baniyaghoob, Shadi Sadr, Hengameh Shahidi, Jelveh Javaheri, Somayeh Tohidloo, Faribah Pajooh, Mahsa Amrabadi, Farnaz Kamangir, and Zeinab Peyghambarzadeh.

The women who are listed [in this article] are only some of the names of those who were arrested and detained during post-election protests. These women have turned a new page in the civil movement.
read more